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Swiss Fighter Program: Growing Rejection of the F-35 Jets Opens Door to a Possible Return to European alternatives.
In Switzerland, the contract for the acquisition of 36 F-35A Lightning II fighter jets, signed in 2022 with the American manufacturer Lockheed Martin, has become the focus of growing national controversy. Originally intended to modernize the ageing fleet of F/A-18 Hornets and F-5 Tigers starting in 2027, this six-billion-Swiss-franc agreement is now being challenged by a significant portion of the population amid a tense geopolitical climate and increasing distrust toward the United States.
Switzerland faces growing public and political opposition to its F-35 fighter jet deal, prompting renewed consideration of European alternatives better aligned with its defense needs and strategic autonomy (Picture source: US DoD / Dassault / Eurofighter / Saab)
According to several opinion polls conducted in March and April 2025, nearly 81% of Swiss citizens oppose the delivery of F-35s, with rejection rates reaching 87% in French-speaking Switzerland. This opposition cuts across political lines: only 44% of Swiss People's Party (UDC) voters and 40% of those affiliated with the Free Democratic Party (PLR) still support the project, compared to less than 15% among the Green and Socialist parties. Heightened commercial and diplomatic tensions with Washington, marked by the reintroduction of punitive tariffs under the presidency of Donald Trump, have intensified concerns over excessive dependency. For many citizens and parliamentarians, including Green Party MP Fabien Fivaz, it is time to redirect strategic choices toward more reliable European partners.
Among the alternatives to the F-35, three European aircraft stand out. The first is the Dassault Rafale, a twin-engine French fighter jet designed without U.S.-controlled components (ITAR-free), offering a degree of technological sovereignty. Equipped with the RBE2 AESA radar, the SPECTRA electronic warfare suite, and Safran’s M88-2 engines, the Rafale can reach a top speed of 1,800 km/h and has a range of 3,700 km. With a payload capacity exceeding 9 tonnes, it is capable of simultaneously conducting air superiority and ground support missions. These features align with Switzerland’s requirements for national defense and selected international operations. The Rafale also enables interoperability with European forces while ensuring full control over critical data, a key concern in current strategic debates.
The second option is the Eurofighter Typhoon, developed by a multinational consortium comprising Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Spain. Powered by two EJ200 engines and capable of reaching speeds up to 2,495 km/h, the Typhoon is fitted with the CAPTOR AESA radar and the PIRATE infrared tracking system. It has 13 hardpoints for carrying Meteor, Brimstone, Storm Shadow missiles, and precision-guided bombs. With proven integration into NATO operations and widespread use among European air forces, the Eurofighter would offer industrial and operational synergies. It is designed for high-intensity air combat scenarios. However, its high operating cost—estimated at around 25,000 Swiss francs per flight hour—and production line saturation may limit its timely availability for Switzerland.
The third alternative is the Saab JAS 39 Gripen E, a single-engine Swedish fighter designed for operational efficiency and cost control. It has a top speed of 2,200 km/h and a range of 3,000 km and is equipped with the PS-05/A AESA radar. Compatible with a broad range of Western munitions (including AMRAAM, Meteor, and RBS-15), the Gripen is suited for operations from austere airbases, a relevant advantage given Switzerland’s topography. Its modular design allows for easier software updates, and its operating costs are significantly lower than those of the F-35. However, it is important to note that Switzerland previously rejected the Gripen in a 2014 referendum, citing concerns over performance and the aircraft’s incomplete development status at the time. Although Saab has since significantly upgraded the platform, the public's rejection of the option continues to weigh on the memory of the public’s rejection.
In parallel, ongoing European programs such as the SCAF (France, Germany, Spain) and Tempest (UK, Italy, Japan) aim to develop sixth-generation combat aircraft. These future platforms are expected to incorporate artificial intelligence, collaborative combat capabilities, and advanced drone integration. However, their entry into service is not expected before 2040, which is too late for replacing Switzerland’s current fleet. Another option would be to modernize the existing F/A-18s through retrofitting programs or adopting a hybrid approach that includes limited acquisitions of currently available aircraft alongside investment in drone systems or next-generation aircraft.
Ultimately, abandoning the F-35 would not be without consequences. It could result in financial, industrial, and diplomatic setbacks, including the loss of local jobs tied to the assembly of four aircraft in Switzerland. Nevertheless, European alternatives provide an opportunity for Switzerland to reinforce its neutrality, reduce reliance on U.S. technologies, and support the development of strategic autonomy in Europe. Among the Rafale, Eurofighter, and Gripen, each option presents technically viable and politically aligned alternatives in line with the preferences expressed by the Swiss public. The final decision should be based on a long-term strategic vision that balances national security, European cooperation, and fiscal responsibility while exploring a defense model that remains resilient, autonomous, and consistent with Swiss sovereignty.